The Return Of The Religious Right?

Ross Douthat sees such a possibility in the Charlie Kirk memorial. But it may not turn out the way he imagines.

As Donald Trump conquered the 2016 Republican primary, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat offered a dire warning to liberals. “A thought sent back in time to the theocracy panic of 2005: If you dislike the religious right, wait till you meet the post-religious right,” the conservative writer tweeted. Douthat has regularly worried about the supposed post-religious right since that tweet.

But the Charlie Kirk memorial may have changed Douthat’s mind. He now sees the possibility of a religious revival emerging out of Trumpism.

In this scenario, rather than being a harbinger of a paganized American future, Trump himself would be seen as a transitional figure, an agent of destabilization who delivered the coup de grâce to the nostalgia-driven moralism of religious conservatism 1.0 while clearing the ground for religious conservatism 2.0, a more intentional and mission-driven and post-secular formation. In which case the Christian right’s bargain with Trumpism would look less corrupting and more necessary, in the strange ways that Providence writes straight with crooked lines.

Douthat isn’t fully confident that this may happen, as he does consider the possibility the memorial service’s impact could be limited to Red America. “[I]f the post-Trump Republican Party is immediately identified with Christian revivalism and vice versa, then the pre-Trump dynamic could easily reassert itself, and any Christian renewal could hit a ceiling outside the distinctive culture of the G.O.P.,” he writes.

It’s true that religious rhetoric and affect are becoming more popular on the right, but this manifests differently “online” than in real life, and the resulting Christianity is not going to be “mission-driven” in the way Douthat hopes.

While a revival among the general public could happen in the future, trendlines suggest secularization will remain the norm. The decline in Christianity, as Douthat notes, has been somewhat arrested, with rates of self-professed believers hovering around 63 percent for the past five years. Even though that’s much lower than the historic rate of believers in America, the fact it hasn’t slid further offers hope to the faithful.

Most of the evidence for revival is found on the Right rather than with the general public. The increasingly overt religiosity of MAGA, as exemplified at the Kirk memorial, encapsulates this. It’s different from what MAGA was like in the first term. More young right-wingers are embracing conservative forms of Christianity. The Right is now publicly obsessed with demons in a way that would’ve embarrassed conservatives in the past. Within this sphere, it can look like America is experiencing a revival. If everyone you know is going to Latin Mass, praying the rosary, and strictly following Catholic teaching, you may think this represents the rest of America. But it’s limited to only certain social spheres.

There is, without a doubt, a revival of religious rhetoric on the Right. However, this is not your father’s Religious Right. It’s not concerned with the same issues as the old version, nor does it stick to the same norms. If one wanted to imagine it as a throwback, here’s one way to see it: it’s Satanic Panic rhetoric mixed with the cultural style (and, in some cases, the ethics) of Mötley Crüe. It may be religious, but it’s not exactly traditional.

The MAGA movement of the 2010s had its religious elements, for sure. Trump received strong support from evangelicals, particularly among the ones who didn’t frequently go to church. Q Anon was awash in religious symbolism and themes, albeit of a very unorthodox sort. But Trump himself stuck to a more secular vision. The few times he talked about the Bible, we ended up with such lines as “Two Corinthians.” Trump is clearly not religious, and most of his supporters followed his post-religious Right focus.

While Trump is the same as ever (he said at the memorial that he prefers to hate his opponents rather than love them), his supporters are much more religious. This is evident from Fox News–which broadcast far more Christian content than it did in the past–to the Online Right. The Alt Right was very secular, and some of its leaders were openly anti-Christian. The “New Right,” which adopted much of its rhetoric, is, by contrast, overtly Christian. While there’s not an agreed-upon denomination for the New Right, nearly everyone in this sphere thinks Christianity needs to be more involved in the public sphere. More traditional forms of Christianity prevail within the Online Right, complete with their dictates and demands. The apparent consensus is a desire for some form of Christian Nationalism that merges identitarianism with social conservatism.

But the MAGA base isn’t quite on the same page. The megachurch spectacle–complete with pyrotechnics, rock music, and over-the-top speeches–is more their speed. They like their worship to be big and theatrical, not somber and contemplative.

It’s not just style that differentiates the MAGA Religious Right from its old version. It’s far more accepting of homosexuality than the Moral Majority. It even sees some barely-in-the-closet types as its leaders. It’s not really concerned with gambling or other vices, though some elements do still want to ban porn. It’s much more tolerant of its leaders’ misdeeds and of other faiths. Many of its followers indulge in outlandish behavior, such as swinging and drug use. It’s pro-life, but doesn’t prioritize the issue.

The more “liberal” attitudes of modern evangelicals is evident in a recent study conducted by Ligonier Ministries and Lifeway Research. It found a large majority doesn’t believe in original sin and think religion shouldn’t influence Christians’ political decisions, a plurality believes God accepts the worship of all religions, and nearly 30 percent accept gay marriage. The study found that the overwhelming majority see God as a friendly, equally loving God. They don’t see Him as the Biblical deity of fire and brimstone. Much of the MAGA base shares these beliefs.

The primary concerns of the MAGA Religious Right are the secular ones espoused by Trump: immigration restriction, restoring American greatness, and owning the libs. The last plank is particularly important. There were several X posts from otherwise secular accounts celebrating the Kirk memorial and its religiosity simply because it triggered the libs. That’s enough to make people embrace the megachurch religiosity.

The religious element is evident in the increased references to God, Jesus, and especially demons. Fixation on demons is arguably the defining characteristic of the new Religious Right. The Jerry Falwell types realized that continual evocations of demons was probably not the best idea to sell their message to the public. They were worried it might make them look like loons. That concern is not shared by the current Religious Right. Pop music, late night TV shows, Hakeem Jeffries, liberal columnists, and even unhealthy breakfast foods can all be DEMONIC. It’s primarily a tool for partisan warfare, but many of those who see Belial everywhere think this actually explains events. Megyn Kelly, once the face of moderate girlboss Republicanism, now greatly fears hexes and demonic forces interfering with political affairs.

Demon posting is extremely popular within our sphere because it adds an exciting element to ordinary politics and literally demonizes the enemy. But it causes befuddlement among those outside it. Witness how the story of Tucker Carlson’s alleged assault by a demon was treated by those outside of the conservative consumer market. Ordinary people thought the podcaster had lost his marbles. Conservatives, however, thought it was a profound story.

The MAGA Religious Right, in a nutshell, is more eager to provide state funding to exorcists than to repeal gay marriage.

It’s too early to conclude that the Charlie Kirk memorial offers a preview of the Right’s future. New memes, leaders, and events could emerge that change the direction of conservatism from what we saw on Sunday.

But what we can conclude is that Trumpism has found a way to create its own version of the Religious Right. It’s just like Trump himself: flashy, aggressive, over-the-top, and unorthodox. But it is Christian nonetheless.